Open research questions in Social Media and Politics

What the literature leaves open

• Based on these findings, several recommendations can be made. First, policymakers may closely monitor digital platforms to understand the everyday struggles of students and their families. However, addressing these complaints requires more than local fixes; it requires structural reforms to reduce economic burdens and bureaucratic barriers in education. Second, civil society organizations may be more active on these platforms. Since individual petitions rarely create structural change, organized actors can help turn these individualized frustrations into collective political action. Finally, for future research, scholars may analyze the full texts of the petitions to understand personal narratives deeply. Also, comparing Change.org with other social media platforms would provide a broader picture of digital participation. 31 Journal of Social Sciences and Education (JOSSE), 2026, 9(1), 1-39.

  Bureaucratic Barriers, Economic Burdens, and Digital Participation without Activism: Education-Related Petitions on Change.org Türkiye · 2026 · DOI

• This study suggests a holistic and balanced solution to tackle the problem of social media algorithms in the context of radicalization in Pakistan, which integrates technological, regulatory, educational, and societal solutions. Social media platforms should implement clear and responsible algorithmic governance processes, such as independent algorithm audits, explainable systems that rank content, and content moderation systems designed to reduce the spread of extremist, hateful and polarizing content. There is a need to reinforce the partnership between technology firms and 44 to develop evidence-based regulatory frameworks researchers and policy makers to create tools based on artificial intelligence that are sensitive to context and can detect harmful patterns while maintaining freedom of expression and digital rights.

  The role of social media algorithms in fueling radicalization in Pakistan · 2026 · DOI

• A multi-layered approach is necessary in order to combat the sheer scale of disinfor- mation that we witnessed during Bangladesh’s July 2024 uprising. Partnerships between so-called fact-checking agencies and social media companies can be strengthened to facilitate real-time verification, and AI-oriented tools need to be put into place to iden- tify and address misinformation on a large scale. Greater investment in digital media literacy programs is important since misinformation flourishes in environments lacking the skills to assess the online world’s content critically. In addition, social media algo- rithms are designed to maximize engagement, but that can further spread misleading narratives, and they must become more transparent. Rather than rely on heavy-handed measures, government policies should facilitate the independence of fact-checking organizations, promoting accountability without creating censorship. Misinforma- tion reporting methods, on the part of tech companies, need to improve, alongside the uniform application of policies regarding content moderation, to avoid any selective Rahaman et al. Discover Global Society (2026) 4:8 Page 12 of 14 enforcement. Investigating digital propaganda is not so different than the analysis we do as journalists, but advanced verification techniques are increasingly trainable disci- plines that media professionals need to respond to the nature of the crisis. Considering the transnational implications of misinformation online, building international coopera- tion is essential to combating coordinated campaigns of cross-border disinformation. Legal regimes should create tougher penalties for coordinated campaigns of misinfor- mation that lead to violence or attempt to undermine democratic processes. Similarly, civil society organizations should also be actively engaged in monitoring and pushing for ethical information practices around content propagated digitally. In politically sensitive contexts, redressing digital disinformation requires a comprehensive strategy, including policy changes, technological innovations, and an informed public. Limitations of the study: The use of purposive sampling may introduce selection bias by prioritizing high-visibility misinformation, while reliance on publicly available fact- check reports excludes misinformation circulated through private messaging platforms.

  Fight against disinformation and fact-checking in Bangladesh’s July 2024 uprising: the digital battlefields · 2026 · DOI

• Limitations of this study include the relatively small corpus (116 articles) and focus on only five media outlets. This article has discussed how the media's capacity to influence narratives, promote cultural interaction, and fill gaps in knowledge can greatly strengthen bilateral relations between the two adjacent countries.

  Indonesia-Malaysian Border Issues: National Online Media Coverage in Malaysia and Indonesia During 2010-2022 · 2026 · DOI

• Studies of polarization on social media have been limited by their use of unsigned networks, which requires researchers to either leave out negative interaction (by, e. These seemingly contradictory findings are resolved by using a signed network, which shows that most of the cross-ideological user interaction is negative, whereas ingroup interactions are almost exclusively positive.

  Echo Chambers Are Defined by Conflict, Not Isolation · 2026 · DOI

• The data come from a single protest context, so generalizability should be tested in other movements. The sample was also likely self-selected and politically engaged, limiting representativeness and the ability to capture broader public attitudes. Methodologically, the protest-representation tasks relied on hypothetical scenarios rather than direct re­ ports of lived protest episodes. Responses likely reflect a blend of episodic recall and constructed experience, especially among diaspora participants with uneven street-pro­ test exposure. Likewise, the “answer as if” instructions in the Other condition may have elicited some self-projection (what respondents would feel if positioned as the other group) in addition to meta-perceptions about actual outgroup members. Accordingly, the observed misperceptions are best interpreted as systematic differences in cross-group beliefs and representations rather than precise measures of interpersonal accuracy. Fu­ ture studies could refine prompts to better separate recalled experience, constructed Journal of Social and Political Psychology 2026, Vol. 14(1), 193–220 https://doi.org/10.5964/jspp.16905 Resident–Diaspora Misperceptions in Protest 216 scenarios, and true meta-perceptions, and more directly model distinct negative-emotion profiles (e.g., approach-oriented anger vs. withdrawal-oriented fear). Resident–diaspora perception gaps may be a recurring challenge in digitally medi­ ated movements. Diaspora networks can disseminate information and mobilize global attention online, yet mediated exposure may bias their assessments of local protest expe­ rience, and residents may interpret diaspora efforts as miscalibrated to local constraints and priorities. Future research should test whether similar judgment gaps emerge across movements and identify communication practices that reduce them. As collective action increasingly relies on transnational networks, narrowing these gaps may be crucial for sustaining trust, coordination, and cohesion. Funding: While preparing this publication, Mostafa Salari Rad was supported by the Templeton World Charity Foundation, under the grant https://doi.org/10.54224/30295 Acknowledgments: I thank the team that ran the now-defunct website rahesabz.net at the time, Tara S., Hojjat N. M., Mani, N., Ali, A., Mohammad, M., and others for helping disseminate the study URL and supporting recruitment. I am grateful to Dr. Jeremy Ginges for his support throughout this project, and to Drs. John Jost, Hammad Sheikh, and Kate Jassin for their thoughtful feedback. Competing Interests: The author has declared that no competing interests exist. Data Availability: The data, materials, and analytic methods used in this study are available from the author upon reasonable request for purposes of reproducing the results or replicating the procedure.

  Misperceptions in protest affect and action among resident and diaspora activists: Online versus on-the-ground in the 2009–2012 Iranian post-election protests · 2026 · DOI

• This study is limited by its scope of generalizability, focusing on a single political figure— Donald Trump—and a specific time frame within 2016 presidential campaigns. Consequently, the findings may not be fully generalized to other political contexts, leaders, or rhetorical traditions. This analysis primarily relies on publicly available speeches and social media content, which may not capture the complete range of strategic communication employed in private or less-publicized settings. Moreover, while this study incorporates audience reception through digital interactions, it does not include ethnographic or survey-based data to explore deeper psychological or sociocultural responses. Finally, the interpretive nature of rhetorical and discourse analysis also introduces a degree of subjectivity, despite methodological rigor, may the construction of results.

  The Power of Poetic Rhetoric: Evidence from The Discourse of Trump’s Presidential Campaign · 2026 · DOI

• The normalization of inflammatory rhetoric in political discourse raises pressing concerns about democratic erosion and degradation of civic dialogue. Building on the finding of this study, future research should investigate the long-term effects of Donald Trump’s rhetorical strategies on voter behavior, political identity formation, and party realignment. Such inquiries could illustrate how sustained exposure to populist language influence public perception and democratic engagement. Comparative studies across global populist movements—such as Brazil, Hungary, 219 Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 2026, Vol.13, No. 1, 208-227 http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/2814 Copyright 2026 ISSN: 2149-1291 India, and Italy—could further enrich this analysis by identifying shared rhetorical tactics and patterns of mass media communication and its manipulation. These cross-cultural examinations would offer valuable insights into the transitional dynamics of populist persuasion and the role of poetic rhetoric constructing ideological narratives. Moreover, interdisciplinary approaches that integrate literary theory, media studies, and political communication could deepen our understanding of how language, power, and technology converge in constructing contemporary political realities. As digital platforms continue to amplify emotionally charged and polarizing rhetoric, this research underscores the urgency of critically engaging with political language to secure democratic deliberation and promote ethical discourse in an era of rising populism and digital polarization.

  The Power of Poetic Rhetoric: Evidence from The Discourse of Trump’s Presidential Campaign · 2026 · DOI

• Our data suggests a significant increase in content with each consecutive year (e.g., a 1,060% increase in the number of videos between 2020 and 2022). However, these numbers are not necessarily indicative of an increase in activity within the AIN. Rather, the study cannot provide a complete picture of the content’s scope, 18 TINA ASKANIUS, JULLIETTA STOENCHEVA, & HERNAN MONDANI especially during 2020 and 2021. Since YouTube actively removes content that breaks terms and conditions, especially content containing false or misleading information related to the Covid-19 pandemic, we cannot map content originally published within the time frame that viewers might have been exposed to, but that was later removed. Our qualitative observations indicate the existence of such content. During the two-month period of data collection in July–August 2022, we saw several videos and accounts that were part of our sample get removed, either by YouTube or the channel hosts. In many cases when accounts were removed, new accounts were created by the same actors, which meant that the followship numbers we captured do not accurately represent actual interest in these accounts. Additionally, several hyperlinks in our sample were broken, limiting or preventing assessment of their content. Further, the data collection period may exclude actors who were active in 2020 and 2021 but were no longer on the platform, and observed activity differences in this period may partly reflect that the analysed calendar months differed (April vs. January). Finally, due to extensive labour and resources required for qualitative data analysis of a sample of this size, it was only possible to analyse a total of three months’ worth of video content. As a result, while our findings provide valuable insights into the studied period, they do not capture the full scope of the Swedish AIN beyond this timeframe.

  The alternative influence network (AIN) of far-right YouTubers in Sweden: Connectivity and hybridisation of online extremism during the Covid-19 pandemic · 2026 · DOI

• Of course, the study is not without limitations. As already discussed, the study is based on cross-sectional data and thus cannot speak to causality. In addition to this, the study only focused on trust in different national news outlets. Including regional or local news might render other valuable insights. Analyses using trust in mainstream coverage of specific news topics were run as a robustness check and did not show substantially different findings. However, all three topics included were contested issues (climate, immigration/integration, economy). Interview studies suggest that some alternative media users’ criticism of biased mainstream media coverage particularly regard such contested topics (Noppari et al., 2019) and indicate that the users are less critical of coverage of topics like local news and traffic (Thorbjørnsrud & Figenschou, 2022). Investigating alternative media users’ trust in mainstream news coverage of a broader scope of topics could deepen understanding of how all-encompassing the users’ lower trust is by uncovering whether their lower trust only pertains to specific, contested topics and not to less-contested topics. Finally, the measurement of alternative media use relied on self-reports, which may result in over-reporting (Prior, 2009) or under-reporting (Müller & Schulz, 2021). As such, it is possible that some respondents have reported using alternative media without being users, or that the measurement has not captured all users. Moreover, desirability bias could induce respondents to report higher trust than they really have. These issues could potentially make alternative news users’ levels of trust appear higher and make the differences between users and non-users appear smaller than they really are. Despite these shortcomings, the study has provided valuable new empirical knowledge by uncovering notable differences between left-wing and right-wing alternative media users’ trust in mainstream media. Furthermore, the study has demonstrated the relevance of distinguishing between different groups of users of alternative media as well as between trust in specific mainstream news outlets. These are important insights on which future studies can build. Finally, the study 37 DO ALTERNATIVE MEDIA USERS DISTRUST ALL MAINSTREAM NEWS OR ONLY SOME? has added the important nuance that alternative media users’ levels of trust are seemingly not alarmingly low in the case of Denmark and, more broadly, that the specific characteristics of the media systems that alternative media are a part of must be considered when assessing the democratic implications of their proliferation.

  Do alternative media users distrust all mainstream news or only some? Assessing Danish left-wing and right-wing alternative media users’ trust in news at the outlet-specific level · 2026 · DOI

• This paper adopts a longitudinal analysis of under-explored secondary sources to examine coordinated inauthentic behaviour (CIB) linked to Serbia's ruling party, Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).

  Beyond detection: How Serbia's SNS party mimics authentic support through coordinated inauthentic behaviour · 2026 · DOI

• While prior research has extensively examined various dimensions of search bias---such as content prioritization, indexical bias, political polarization, and sources of bias---an important question remains underexplored: how do search engines and ideologically-motivated user queries contribute to bias in search results.

  Social and Political Framing in Search Engine Results · 2026 · DOI

• Copyright © 2026. Owned by Author(s), published by Society. This is an open-access article under the CC-BY-NC-SA license. https://doi.org/10.33019/society.v14i1.1081 45 Bibliometric Insights into Digital Marketing Strategies for Political Campaigns in Indonesia in politics refers to the application of digital marketing principles, concepts, and tools to achieve specific political objectives (Haedar, 2023; Tuten et al., 2020). The development of information technology has also shifted the campaign paradigm from conventional methods, such as print advertisements and television broadcasts, toward more interactive, segmented, and data-driven digital media. Chester and Montgomery (2017) emphasized that digital technologies in political campaigns can increase voter engagement and strengthen small-donor fundraising capacity. This study adopts a bibliometric approach to analyze digital marketing strategies in relation to the effectiveness of political campaigns in Indonesia. The research gap addressed in this study concerns the limited number of comprehensive studies that systematically map and measure the effectiveness of digital marketing strategies in the Indonesian political context. Most previous studies have focused on specific aspects of digital campaigning without sufficiently connecting digital strategies to voter perceptions, levels of digital engagement, and their actual implications for political outcomes. This condition reveals a discrepancy between theoretical expectations regarding the role of digital marketing in political campaigns and empirical findings on how such strategies operate in practice. It also highlights methodological limitations in capturing the complex interaction between digital technology, voter behavior, and political processes. Based on this gap, this study formulates the following research question: What digital marketing strategies contribute to the effectiveness of political campaigns in Indonesia? The theoretical contribution of this study lies in its multidimensional integration of digital marketing strategies, Indonesian political dynamics, and technological development through bibliometric analysis. This approach is expected to enrich the literature on the relationship between political communication and digital this study provides data-driven recommendations for political parties, campaign consultants, and policymakers in designing digital marketing strategies that are more effective, adaptive, and relevant to increasing voter engagement and improving political campaign outcomes in Indonesia. technology.

  Bibliometric Insights into Digital Marketing Strategies for Political Campaigns in Indonesia · 2026 · DOI

• Over time, especially among respondents from the new wave of climate movements, it became clear that no legal enforcement mechanisms or procedures compelled authorities to act, even when recommendations received over 80% support from panellists. For some it was a surprising realization that a public political declaration by a city president was not enough, marking, as several put it, the first collapse of a romantic view of top-down-supported democratic processes [IDI_3,4,5,8,13]. One respondent reflected that excessive optimism and trust among the group initiating the assembly had been a mistake. They recalled an activist, Mr. X, who would warn: they’ll just cheat us anyway, but whose concerns were dismissed at the time as cynicism from a burnt-out activist. Reflecting, this respondent remarked: From today’s perspective, I think we all should have had a bit more of that internal ’Mr. X’ in us; maybe then the outcomes would have been different [IDI_8]. However, more experienced activists were skeptical of politicians from the outset. Having faced numerous rejections of their demands by local administrations, they planned from the very start to make use of the recommendations, even if these were not implemented. We primarily hoped that, in any discussions and in future various strategic documents such as the urban adaptation plan, spatial development study, local plans, or any other strategic documents, we would be able to refer to the recommendations of the citizens’ assembly panel. In fact, we did this. [IDI_6] The mobilizing potential of CAs proved limited. The involvement of ordinary citizens rarely extended beyond the assemblies themselves, and no mechanisms ensured broader integration, which further constrained their impact [IDI_6]. Disillusioned by the weak mobilization effect and the disproportionate effort required, respondents identified alternative strategies as more effective: concentrating on single issues [IDI_6,7,10], carefully timing interventions within investment and consultation processes [IDI_10] and combining legalistic instruments with mobilizational tactics [IDI_3,6]. They further emphasized coalition-building and embedding issues in the local context, which facilitated the recruitment of allies and sustained engagement of core participants [IDI_6,10]. Paradoxically, this capacity was reinforced by the involvement of diverse activist groups in organizing the assemblies, which became a platform for activists’ intergenerational integration. Activists, particularly those with greater experience in civic engagement and those who had the opportunity to observe the deliberation phase, highlighted several challenges in the design of CAs. While they still considered the tool theoretically well suited, they emphasized that its next iterations should address and improve several of its aspects. Climate CAs dealt with issues far removed from everyday experience [IDI_6,11,12].

  Climate Citizens’ Assemblies in Poland: Activists’ Nuanced Perspectives · 2026 · DOI

• This study considers a narrow context — the 2022 U.S. midterm elections on Twitter — which may not generalize to other political environments, elections, or platforms. In particular, conceptualizing political preference along a bi- nary axis may not translate well to elections with more than two major parties. Additionally, even within the U.S., the information environment surrounding each election evolves, as do algorithmic designs. As a result, this study can better contribute as a baseline for comparison for evaluating the role of Twitter’s content recommender on information visi- bility during election periods. Another limitation is the challenge of deploying and re- liably maintaining automated accounts, which can limit the number of audit accounts included in the analysis and which interact with the platform differently than typical users. Yet automated accounts provide the advantage of not only avoid- ing privacy or ethical implications of a human subjects anal- ysis, but also of an external audit which maintains third party perspective that internally conducted platform studies lack. Further, the audit accounts in this study did not engage with content or other accounts. Therefore, outcomes reported in this study isolate the effects of the recommender based on the network of followed accounts. Finally, the recommendation algorithm studied here is not static and can be changed at any time by the platform with- out notice to the public (Bagchi et al. 2024). While we do not see evidence of major changes during the course of this study, it is important to keep this in mind when interpret- ing findings. Additionally, this single platform cannot di- rectly generalize to other platforms, though they may im- plement similar content recommenders due to similar incen- tives around user engagement (Narayanan 2023). Conclusion & Future Work In this work we have conducted an algorithmic audit of Twitter’s content recommendation system within the con- text of the 2022 U.S. midterm election. We find that the al- gorithmic feed influences exposure to election-related con- tent, partisan skew, and the amount of low-quality informa- tion, though these effects are small compared to differences across network-leaning groups. Given that platform policies and algorithms are regularly subject to change, the utility of this study lies in the documentation of algorithmic influence at the particular, and meaningful, point in time. Twitter in particular has seen significant changes in content modera- tion and political discourse following its purchase by Elon Musk in 2022 (Myers, Thompson, and Hsu 2023; McClain, Anderson, and Gelles-Watnick 2024). Conducted just prior to major change on the platform, this work offers a reference point for future work that quantifies and compares algorith- mic influence over time. Continued research into the social implications of algorithmic design are needed, particularly in civic discourse and political engagement.

  The Role of Follow Networks and Twitter’s Content Recommender on Partisan Skew and Rumor Exposure During the 2022 U.S. Midterm Election · 2026 · DOI

• Several limitations should be acknowledged in this work. First, the time frame of our data collection may exclude significant events rel- evant to Donald Trump and Truth Social that occurred subsequently, such as debates over the release of the Epstein files. However, given our focus on broader communicative patterns rather than event- specific responses, and considering the size and temporal span of our dataset, the absence of particular events is unlikely to affect our central findings. The topic modelling also inherently requires heuristic interpreta- tion. The themes we present are our own analytical judgment and should be understood as interpretive rather than definitive. To facili- tate transparency and enable future validation, detailed information about the topics has been included in Section B of the Appendix in the Supplementary Material. In addition, the high number of topics generated meant we did not have sufficient observations for each topic and therefore we could not consider the possible topic random effects on replies and upvotes count. To mitigate this, we controlled for content variance using the broader, robustly classified binary of political versus non-political content, which captures the primary axis of variance in audience engagement. Additionally, due to political realities reflected in our sample (over 90% are white political elites, see Section A in the Appendix in the Supplementary Material), we are unable to address ques- tions about the interactive effects of gender and race on political communication patterns. WebSci ’26, May 26–29, 2026, Braunschweig, Germany Tom Bidewell, Artemis Deligianni, Tuğrulcan Elmas, Clare Llewellyn, and Björn Ross Lastly, as with any work which analyses naturalistic, observa- tional data our statistical analyses cannot and should not be taken to show causal relationships between the predictors we found were credibly associated.

  Gendered Communication Patterns of Political Elites on Truth Social · 2026 · DOI

• The video classification relied solely on transcripts, with- out incorporating visual cues that may provide important context, particularly in videos with very short transcripts. Most transcripts were automatically generated and therefore contain occasional spelling or recognition errors. While we did not find evidence of systematic bias in topic extraction, sporadic effects cannot be ruled out. Moreover, transcripts primarily reflect the narratives of content creators rather than the perspectives of their audiences, which limits insight into reception. Finally, the YouTube API does not provide data on dislikes or the temporal dynamics of engagement, re- stricting a more comprehensive understanding of audience sentiment and its evolution over time.

  In Times of Crisis: An Exploratory Study of Media and Political Discourse on YouTube During the 2024 French Elections · 2026 · DOI

• However, the media framing techniques intended to engage voters, the reasons these frames have failed—particularly in mobilizing youth participation in the 2020 parliamentary election—and the online communicative strategies of key media outlets remain insufficiently understood.

  The Role of Political Public Relations In Enhancing Voter Engagement: 2020 Jordanian Parliamentary Election As A Case Study · 2025 · DOI

• This article fills a gap in the literature by analyzing survey responses from a national sample of 2,505 American adults collected in 2023 to explore what reasons people give for avoiding discussions about science and religion on social media.

  Why Do People Avoid Discussing Science and Religion on Social Media? Findings from a National Sample · 2024 · DOI

• While researchers have contributed important work on the respective role that authenticity plays for influencers’ success and have described a burgeoning industry within the larger domain of social media entertainment, comparably little is known about what happens when influencers get involved in politics, when they harness their digital clout to promote political causes and social issues, and thereby become political influencers.

  Political Influencers on Social Media: An Introduction · 2023 · DOI

• This study addresses the insufficient research about online activism related to policymaking in the Philippine context and focuses on online activism towards the issue of the Anti-Terrorism Bill (ATB) of 2020 that concerns potential harm to freedom of speech, expression, or of the press.

  The digital spectator activities of Twitter users on the issue of the anti-terrorism bill in the Philippines · 2022 · DOI

• We conclude that in view of the inevitable diversity digital technologies tend to present, young people's civic learning might be limited by the pressure and confusion coming along with the exposure to diverse views, the tendency to retreat from formal politics, and the lack of effective school intervention into the social media space.

  Rethinking civic education in the digital era: How media, school, and youth negotiate the meaning of citizenship · 2022 · DOI

• While many studies have addressed the #MeToo-related controversy arising from the Brett Kavanaugh nomination to Supreme Court Justice in 2018, the relationship between #MeToo and US politics before this event has remained understudied.

  #METOO AND US POLITICS: ANALYSING THE TWITTER CONVERSATION · 2021 · DOI

• However, to what extent can corporations influence the public’s evaluation of their CSR activities with social media activities and if the legacy news media still act as the primary agenda setters when it comes to corporate reputation have not yet been thoroughly analyzed in a digitized media environment.

  CSR Communication, Corporate Reputation, and the Role of the News Media as an Agenda-Setter in the Digital Age · 2020 · DOI

• I argue that the wider effects of cyber operations on political, civil and human rights have been underexplored in the cyber security literature; that cyber-attacks have adversely affected freedom of expression in the conflict in Ukraine and in other political disputes; and that the coercion concept is ill-suited to accounting for the socio-psychological impact of modern cyber operations.

  Cyber-Attacks and Freedom of Expression: Coercion, Intimidation and Virtual Occupation · 2019 · DOI

Most-cited papers in Social Media and Politics

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