Open research questions in Urban Planning and Governance

What the literature leaves open

• However, the major limitations of the paper are the fact that, the mathematical indices (IDI, SSNI, GNI) await empirical validation; the illustrative evidence is drawn from secondary sources; and the framework's applicability to Global North contexts remains to be tested.

  INTEGRATING SPACE AND SOCIETY: GEOSOCIOLOGY AS AN ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK FOR DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH AND POLICY · 2026 · DOI

• CE transition is “a fundamental change in the structure, culture, and practices of a societal (sub)system that is the result of a co-evolution of economic, technological, institutional, cultural, and ecological developments at different scales levels” (van Langen et al., 2021, p. 2). Circular economy transitions entail long-term, multidimensional transformations of socio-technical systems toward more sustainable modes of production and consumption (Markard et al., 2012). It requires an economic transformation and a shift in the social and cultural systems that shape behaviours and societal practices. Culturally, the CE transition challenges the traditional resource ownership model, which grants exclusive rights and control over a product and its utilisation to a single person or entity. Instead, it advocates a collaborative ownership model that shares resources among multiple users through diverse ownership configurations (Twum et al., 2023). Within this context, CE transition requires businesses to introduce value retention technologies that slow, close, and narrow material and energy loops. This shift demands that firms reconfigure their value networks, restructure their organisational models, strengthen relationships with supply chain partners, and redefine their value propositions to align with CE principles (Erdiaw-Kwasie et al., 2024; Lüdeke-Freund et al., 2018). The goal is to ensure that materials re-enter the economy at the end of their use, maximising resource efficiency, boosting profitability, promoting sustainability and enhancing societal well-being (Haar, 2024). As part of a CE transition, shared resources, serviced services, maintenance provision, optimal lifespan design, industrial symbiosis, recycling, and the use of renewable resources models help slow, close, and narrow resource flows, and promote long-term sustainability (Abunyewah et al., 2023; Geissdoerfer et al., 2017). A central function of the sharing economy is to facilitate the transition to a collaborative economy through swapping, bartering, renting, and lending, which is enabled by digital platforms and technological advancements (Erdiaw-Kwasie & Alam, 2023; Twum et al., 2023). Rather than committing to permanent ownership, this SE model allows consumers to access goods and services temporarily. In this way, it prolongs product lifespans, increases resource efficiency, reduces waste and pollution, and shapes consumers' lifestyles and behaviours (Atstaja et al., 2022; Erdiaw-Kwasie et al., 2023). Servitization provides access to functionality or services, extending product lifespans, improving resource efficiency, and reducing waste and pollution (Stahel & Jackson, 2024). Besides shifting ownership, CE transition encourages symbiotic relationships between actors. From an industrial ecology perspective, industrial activities constitute a complex, interconnected system in which no industry operates in isolation (Ghobakhloo et al., 2023). It is within this network that byproducts, energy, and resources are exchanged between industries to reduce the demand for virgin resources, enhance resource efficiency, and reduce waste and pollution (Sun et al., 2017). As part of the geography of CE transitions, scholars examine how and why transitions differ between countries in the Global North and South (Kohler et al., 2019; Coenen et al., 2012;). In Hansen and Coenen (2015), the following factors play a role in transitions: (i) urban and regional policies and visions, (ii) localised informal institutions, (iii) the endowment of local natural resources, (iv) the specialisation of local technologies and industries, and (v) the role of consumers and local markets. Different countries from the Global North and the Global South exhibit these factors differently. Circular economy transitions offer a potential commercial opportunity of $4.5 trillion from a Global North perspective, which could lead to new industries, job creation, reduced greenhouse gas emissions, and improved resource use (World Business Council for Sustainable Development). There are several notable examples of these improvements in the apparel, durable goods, and textile industries.

  Circular economy transitions and urban green infrastructure in the Global South: pathways and prospects · 2026 · DOI

• Nairobi City County, in collaboration with the National Police Service and civil society organisations, should establish a predictable and transparent information choreography system. This involves issuing a standard 06:30 Protest- Day Bulletin on every high-risk day, clearly indicating open corridors, civic pads, medical hubs, petition windows, and dispersal timelines. A joint communications room involving the County, Police, and accredited civil society actors should be created to provide real-time micro-updates every 30 to 60 minutes. All official information must be simultaneously disseminated through the county website, verified social media channels, SMS broadcasts, and on-street modular QR-coded signage to ensure synchrony between digital and physical communication. The County should develop and equip a network of civic infrastructure to support safe assembly and movement. At least four civic pads should be designated and equipped near, but outside, sensitive institutional thresholds. These pads should provide shade, potable water, toilets, power points for public address systems, and clear ground markings. In addition, two north-south and two east-west safe corridors, together with several refuge alleys, should be pre-marked with reflective signage, lighting, and QR codes linked to live maps. Symbolic fences and perimeters should be converted into procedural petition gates featuring shaded queue lanes, observer areas, immediate recorded hand-over issuance of stamped receipts. tables, and capacity building.

  Mapping Protest Geographies, Crowd Management, and Urban Design Fixes for Dialogue: How Nairobi’s Gen Z Turned Public Space into A Policy Arena · 2026 · DOI

• By examining the key features and changing dynamics of development and underdevelopment, as well as investment and disin- Nagysándortelep originated in the late 18th century as a result of Debrecen’s historically significant brickmaking industry (Balogh, L. 2020). The 19th-century capitalisation of Debrecen – hitherto a predominantly agrarian regional hub – precipitated the consolidation of industrial capital. However, the munici- Timár, J. and Trócsányi, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 75 (2026) (2) 143–164. 151 pal leadership only tacitly tolerated even the permanent settlement of brickyard workers within this territory until 1909 (Papp, J. 2017). The ownership of these exceptionally small building plots – and, thus, the mechanism of control – has been retained to this day (Sápi, L. 1972). Their residential neighbourhood in Nagysándortelep suffered from disinvestment by the local government, as evidenced by the complete lack of basic public utilities and institutions until the 1930s (Sápi, L. 1972). The development of our investigated area in Pécs, the Zsolnay district, into a distinctive ‘industrial/working-class neighbourhood’, is, similarly to Debrecen, closely linked to the city’s first significant wave of industrialisation in the second half of the 19th century. The more diversified industrial character of the city is – comprising mining, light industry, and food processing (Faragó, L. 2010) – found its most globally renowned representative in the Zsolnay Porcelain Manufacture. Employing 900 people by 1910, the factory acted as the most powerful agent in the spatial production of the district (Pilkhoffer, M. 2021). The company’s management invested significantly in urban infrastructure and also contributed to education, healthcare, and public welfare. Furthermore, the company commissioned the construction of brick houses for a portion of its workforce, offering rental units that exceeded the prevailing standards of the era. However, much like in Nagysándortelep, the majority of the modest dwellings were self-built by the labouring class; yet here, they produced a small-town, terraced spatial structure rather than a rural morphology. As a result, the Zsolnay district developed a unique building stock that, while primarily consisting of family houses, was more diverse in terms of quality and ownership compared to Nagysándortelep. State socialist era: partial investment, disinvestment leading to slumification The preceding wars and economic crises eventually transitioned the studied districts, bearing the marks of disinvestment, into a new mode of production of space (Lefebvre, H. 1991 [1974]) in state socialism. However, the industrialisation that played a central role in the socialist state’s party politics generally favoured the development of Pécs.

  Political economy and everyday practices behind gentrification in working-class urban neighbourhoods · 2026 · DOI

• Since the activity states were in a yearly format, any period in HE, employment or benefits assumed the respective state for the full year. However, the hierarchy used to integrate the different activity states corrected some of the inaccuracies (Sickotra, 2025). Within the App-Emp cluster, there was a sharp transition from apprenticeships to employment at age 20/21 in 2015/16, since apprenticeships were classed interchangeably as employment in LEO. Hence, it is suspected that many individuals continued their apprenticeships after age 19/20 but were indistinguishable from the employment activity. Additionally, the LEO employment data excluded low-income individuals earning below the minimum tax threshold if they worked for a smaller employer (DfE, 2019) and so these individuals were not present in the analysis. There was also no ‘unemployment’ activity state available to distinguish between individuals who were unemployed and not claiming OfW benefits in LEO. These cases were likely grouped into the ‘Unobserved’ alphabet category. Another key limitation was that the geography of young people was not tracked and so young people who moved away from SY or GM after school-leaving age is not known. Analysis was attempted to track the geography of individuals but the data available was insufficient for rigorous results and so this detail was omitted from the paper.

  When, Where and Who Struggles? South Yorkshire and Greater Manchester Regional School-to-Work Trajectories · 2026 · DOI

• To extend this paper, detailed investigation into the reasons behind why difficult trajectories were present in certain areas of SY and GM could be explored, particularly from a deprivation and neighbourhood effects perspective (Chetty & Hendren, 2018; Galaster & Sharkey, 2017). This would complement the understanding of when, where and who are likely to struggle to enter the labour market. Future research could also investigate why HE is more likely in GM than in SY. A causal analysis could provide more nuanced insight into factors that may affect this, such as transport links, the number of HE institutions, the type of post-16 establishment attended alongside neighbourhood effects (Patias et al., 2021). Local area fixed effects using MSOA data could also be investigated to account for the influence of deprivation across the dataset. These both could lead to more specific place-based policy interventions to raise skills attainment and prevent unsuccessful school-to-work trajectories. The regression analysis could be extended to include additional local area characteristics, such as unemployment rates, workplace density, and geographical proximity to education and training providers, to provide a more comprehensive explanation of patterns of education participation and progression. Incorporating these contextual factors would further illuminate how transport accessibility and local deprivation shape unequal opportunities, thereby identifying potential areas for policy intervention by Combined Authorities. Furthermore, the school-to-work trajectories for multiple cohorts could be analysed using sequence analysis to understand whether the results found were cohort-specific. The LEO Iteration two (ONS, 2023) now includes data up to 2021/22 which could be used to create activity histories for later cohorts. Although this paper’s purpose was to understand difficult trajectories into labour market, the LEO Iteration two also includes data on employment sectors which could be used in conjunction with earnings data to © 2026 The Author Journal Compilation © 2026 PPP People, Place and Policy (2026):20(1), pp. 55-89 p. 71. When, Where and Who Struggles?

  When, Where and Who Struggles? South Yorkshire and Greater Manchester Regional School-to-Work Trajectories · 2026 · DOI

• While the proliferation of community food services (CFS) during the COVID-19 pandemic has been documented as a local survival strategy, its implications for metropolitan-scale theory remain underexplored.

  Beyond individual food spaces: comparative metropolitan segregation and the infrastructural scale of community kitchens in three South American capitals · 2026 · DOI

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  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

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  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

• the “bounded geographies of childhood”, wherein children and youth are physically and discursively confined to spaces deemed suitable by adult authorities, thereby curtailing their spatial agency and epistemic legitimacy. A further example of how adult norms limit their spatial agency is the Mosquito youth dispersal device. The Mosquito is a sonic device emitting high-frequency sound pulsating acoustic signal with a sound pressure of 75–95 dB and a frequency range of 16–18.5 kHz, only audible to those under approximately 20 years of age, which is actually causing audible discomfort53 (Council of Europe, 2010). The Mosquito is being sold commercially as a tool to deter loitering and youth nuisance, and in 2010 Council of Europe72 estimated that there were about 3500 devices in use across Belgium, France, Germany, Ireland, the Netherlands and Switzerland. Mosquito is used by private property owners but also by local authorities to keep away youth from certain places, and its use is justified by narratives about keeping at bay misbehaving, rowdy and dangerous youth and protection of property72. The fact that such device exists and in use exemplifies how age is weaponized in infrastructure design to regulate undesired presence by making youth physically uncomfortable. Human rights groups, including the European Youth Forum and the Council of Europe, have denounced it as dis- criminatory and degrading, violating youth rights to assembly and presence in public space. While it is known that Mosquito is currently used in several countries, e.g., UK, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Sweden, more precise numbers are not available. Alongside this technological measure, also hostile architecture is used to exclude young people from certain spaces. UK media reported how housing associations and other organization were using “pink lights” (lighting that makes acne visible) to discourage teenage gatherings around shops and public spaces. Meanwhile, anti-skateboarding studs, segmented benches, and sloped surfaces are already in use also to discourage informal gathering and use of built infrastructure that adults regard as not appro- priate. These interventions, framed within the Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED) paradigm, contribute at reinforcing a perspective on how youth are unwelcome and a nuisance, rather than a co- inhabitant of urban environments. Yet, youth resist these adult-defined constraints through acts of crea- tive reclamation. The Parisite DIY skatepark in New Orleans serves as a powerful precedent, where skateboarding youth transformed derelict urban land into a legitimate skate space, forcing institutional recognition62. Comparable practices are visible across European cities: in Ljubljana, youth have converted abandoned industrial spaces into a self-organized cultural hub73; and in southern European cities, residents have repurposed vacant lots for informal gatherings, sport, and creative expression (URBACT report, 2025)74. These practices challenge the idea that youth must be managed. Instead, they tell the story of young people as active, creative and resourceful contributors to urban life and the re-qualification of degraded built infrastructure61. These cases collectively illustrate how adult-centrism influences the build environment either through overt measures seeking for spatial exclusion (sonic deterrents, hostile architecture) or through seemingly benevolent provision of public infrastructure through the adult gaze (separate youth zones, play areas). According to feminist urban critiques, such practices often reaffirm paternalistic logic, and that is via classed and gendered spatial norms in urban design21–23. Beyond its conceptual contribution, the above outlined key dimensions can be operationalized and used in local context for instance, for policy review, participatory planning audits, and urban design assessments, helping practitioners identify adult-centric assumptions embedded in governance and spatial practices.

  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

• political agendas35,56. This is most visible through the denial of voting rights, and this despite being directly affected by policies on education, housing, and climate change35. Another form of exclusion is epistemic, understood to happen when youth's knowledge about their living environments is discounted as anecdotal, irrational, or not relevant, which then contributes at reinforcing the adult norm as the standard for credible participation41,57. And a third form of exclusion is when, even where institutional mechanisms for inclusion are created, young people are constrained within adult logics. An example of that is Youth Councils, which are quite widespread across European municipalities. These, while designed to involve children and young people in local decision-making58, often function as advisory bodies with rather limited influence57,59. In the qualitative study by Kassman and Vamstad 57 where they focused on Youth Councils in Sweden, they find how these serve primarily a bureaucratic objective to accomplish youth involvement goals set by Swedish administrations. Interview data by Kassman and Vamstad. 57 reveale how Youth Councils tend to be mostly tokenistic in the way young people are involved in local politics, and also not really catalysing youth interests and concerns within the public administrations. This is an interesting result considering the progressive position Sweden has on children's rights and efforts it makes in acknowledging youth voice and agency, among which also by mainstreaming young people in spatial planning14. These examples point to a paradox of participatory governance; while planning theory has long emphasized inclusive and communicative approaches56,58,60, the way youth is engaged in such processes often reproduce adult-centric assumptions. This happens when participatory processes end up privileging forms of engagement and debate that align with adult norms of deliberation, e.g., rational argument, technical language33, while on the other hand, discount the more fluid, embodied, and affective ways in which young people express claims to the city43,61,62. This is a subtle mechanism that, while it is making space for youth presence, it also dictates for youth to be positioned at the margins of political decision-making. This even within institutions as are youth councils that are purposefully meant to centre their interests, voice, and epistemic agency. The study by Kassman and Vamstad57 of youth councils is a reminder that intergenerational power asymmetries are deeply embedded, and there is a need for collective effort to challenge and reimagine them. Yet this marginalization is increasingly contested by young people. Youth-led movements such as the climate strikes challenge adult-centric views and the view that young people are politically passive. By mobilizing protest, digital campaigns, and urban activism, young people are reclaiming political space and are making their voice heard13,63.

  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

• protection41. Adult-centrism can manifest from stronger to milder forms, the latter not necessarily resulting in overt adultism40. However, when the binary is rigidly enforced, the adult-centric worldview underpins a system in which young people are persistently denied civic agency (i.e., to act purposefully and reflectively in their communities42,43) and are seen as good participants in public life only when conforming to adult-defined norms28. Interesting is the critical research by Bertrand and colleagues28, by DeJong and Love18, and by Smith32, who reflect on how restrictions of young people’s autonomy, political agency, and voice can be equated to a system of oppression and control. Recognizing the distinction between adultism and adult-centrism is important for analysing the way exclusion operates. Adultism as the ontological belief in the inherent superiority of adulthood as one that shapes norms, institutional structures, and feeding a vocabulary of prejudice, control, and de-legitimation of young people17,40. While adult-centrism can be understood as the operational expression of that, providing the interpretive lens through which youth are measured, judged, and often found lacking. Within childhood and youth studies, this distinction is made to problematize adult-centric knowledge systems and reflect on how it ends up marginalizing young people as epistemic agents36. Adult-centrism is a pervasive influence in planning and urban governance, shaping institutional priorities, policy frameworks, and spatial practices. For instance, it influences how youth as a social group are seen, given space, and engaged in participatory planning processes and urban design. Second, it influences the materiality of planning outcomes, i.e., how space is designed and used, as well as it influences governance models, i.e., how space is regulated, funded, and managed. As when planners evaluate young people and their capacities from an adult-centric viewpoint, they will also be evaluating them against that as a standard. Consequently, there is a risk for misalignment between the actual needs youth have and what wellmeaning planners/experts will think youth needs might be, and then ending up designing and building along that14. That misalignment is a topic of interest as it taps upon certain assumptions about youth agency and protection of young people as a vulnerable group that is being discussed more in the next section. Safeguarding and control in the adult-centric paradigm A valuable theoretical bridge for examining how adult-centrism operates in practice when it sidelines young people and it portrays them as becomings at risk/risky is offered by feminist urban scholarship that has, since the 1970s, challenged the implicit construction of the ideal user of urban space, i.e., the economically active, male adult subject21,22.

  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

• to mention that this likely differs in the Global South, where urban governance, intergenerational relations, and youth agency operate under different socio-economic and cultural norms. Thus, generalizability of this framework lies in its conceptual logic and in the way it seeks to interrogate established and less challenged worldviews (in this case, adult-centrism) and how that leads to patterned forms of exclusion in cities. Adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban settings Young people are integral to urban life. Yet their presence is often overlooked or problematized in very specific ways, e.g., at risk or risky9,24. For instance, across European cities, sentiments about youth being more disruptive than contributive are present in public discourse, with young people being described as “challenging”, in need to be controlled, or protected, rather than as civic actors1,7–11. In Rotterdam, for example, certain measures have been introduced targeting teenagers who hang around public space and are perceived as disturbing, or likely to be loitering, which is undermining their claim to public space25,26. In southern France, some cities set up nighttime curfews on youth, equating mobility with threat and criminalizing their spatial presence without formal recourse27. Such measures are suggesting a certain viewpoint where adult ordering of public space, of behaviour and of social relations prevails. It is time to look more closely at that and how it shapes youth inclusion/exclusion in cities. Youth as a social identity group in planning and urban governance Measures as curfews or restrictions on young people presence, or use of public space are often described as protective, but in fact reflect deeper structures and worldviews when they cast youth primarily as a nuisance, an unwelcome presence17,28. To properly look at this, it is important to distinguish how young people are conceptualized in planning and urban governance. A first step is to consider how young people are most often approached as a demographic category that is defined in quantitative statistical terms (e.g. age, size), and while this framing can be handy for the design of public spaces, it also ends up sidelining their lived experience. A demographic lens reduces young people to subjects or data points and is incomplete. By contrast, when they are understood as a social group that directs attention to their relational positioning within civic life, this emphasizes how they are shaped by experience and power asymmetries within social, institutional, and spatial systems29,30.

  The patronising city: adult-centrism and youth exclusion in urban environments · 2026 · DOI

• The Special Issue thus fills a gap in the literature by exploring (i) the interaction within coworking spaces and their effects on co-workers and the local context, and (ii) the location patterns of third places and/or how they impact urban peripheries and rural areas; (iii) Third Places and collaborative space types beyond those that cater to work practices, and (iv) policy tools for promoting collaborative spaces and their networks.

  Collaborative spaces in third places: types, impacts and policies · 2025 · DOI

• 7 Each DCMS ALB has committed to help deliver devolved culture spend by working with the new MCAs, but how this will be operationalised in practice remains to be seen.

  Blazing a trail · 2024 · DOI

• In this article, I bring feminist ethnographic attention to community infrastructure such as childcare centers built collectively by women residents in MGR Nagar, an informal urban settlement in Chennai, India, as understudied examples of autoconstruction in peripheral urbanization.

  Experiments in peripheral urbanization: Building and unbuilding commons in urban India · 2023 · DOI

• The paper argues that the 15-minute city would be implemented through de facto social mix actions at the neighbourhood level, which are insufficient to address the deeper structural issues that perpetuate spatial inequality and deprivation.

  Rethinking urban utopianism: The fallacy of social mix in the 15-minute city · 2023 · DOI

• This is an under-explored discursive battleground in the neoliberal reframing of the social contract as anti-social; concerning the profit-driven logics of corporate entities as balanced by the rights of individual consumers, and no longer about the relationship between ‘the state’ and a collective civil society.

  Resilience, infrastructure and the anti-social contract in neoliberal Britain · 2022 · DOI

• This paper deals with the poorly researched concept of fenced settlements (housing policy), which was developed in the USA in the middle of the 20th century, but has recently been particularly affirmed in NEO-liberal society, all over the world.

  Gated communities in Europe: Fashionability or a social challenge? · 2022 · DOI

• Though the term “gentrification”—a process by which residents in impoverished neighborhoods are displaced and the built environment altered to suit the tastes of wealthier residents—was introduced in 1964, documentary evidence of this phenomenon is still lacking.

  Real Estate Flyers as Documentation of Gentrification · 2021 · DOI

• It is expected that subsequent plans will gradually extend the scope of adaptation, especially after the COVID-19 pandemic made us realize that crisis management is insufficient and that the city's resilience should be developed.

  Healthy Cities – Resilient Cities.Urban development in the context of climate change · 2021 · DOI

• By developing this notion, testing it in particular urban contexts of two Polish cities and taking into consideration interactions between buzz and other factors which impact on artists’ spatial preferences and decisions, we would like to fill an important gap in research on artists as significant, recently acknowledged stakeholders of urban development.

  Negotiating distance to buzz as an important factor shaping urban residential strategies of artists · 2021 · DOI

• 40 of 2018, which was enacted to provide more transparency and notice to communities about urban renewal plan expiration, this note argues that merely disclosing information is insufficient to fully address and develop a future sustainable strategy for these programs.

  Dismantling Mid-Century Urban Renewal: A Community-Based Approach for the Future of New York City · 2019

• While this has contributed to understandings of developers’ networks, the ways they understand their roles and the ways different national or regional contexts shape approaches, it largely lacks a spatial perspective, and does not account for the contingency, fluidity and adaptability of developers’ actions.

  Habitus, spatial capital and making place: Housing developers and the spatial praxis of Johannesburg’s inner-city regeneration · 2019 · DOI

• The paper draws on a major RCUK ‐funded study of prison architecture to move architectural geographies more meaningfully towards a consideration of the bureaucratisation of architectural practice, as underexplored aspects of building ‘events’.

  Becoming big things: building events and the architectural geographies of incarceration in England and Wales · 2016 · DOI

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• Measure for Measure: Evaluating the Evidence of Culture's Contribution to Regeneration · Urban Studies · 2005 · 384 citations
• Measuring Urban Compactness in UK Towns and Cities · Environment and Planning B Planning and Design · 2002 · 294 citations
• Conceptualizing the Political Ecology of Urban Infrastructures: Insights from Technology and Urban Studies · Environment and Planning A Economy and Space · 2009 · 269 citations
• Reframing urban and regional ‘development’ for ‘left behind’ places · Cambridge Journal of Regions Economy and Society · 2021 · 260 citations
• Beyond the Local Trap: New Municipalism and the Rise of the Fearless Cities · Antipode · 2019 · 242 citations
• Why does everyone think cities can save the planet? · Urban Studies · 2020 · 238 citations
• ‘Left behind places’: a geographical etymology · Regional Studies · 2023 · 233 citations
• What’s so new about New Municipalism? · Progress in Human Geography · 2020 · 230 citations
• Contradictions of the Climate‐Friendly City: New Perspectives on Eco‐Gentrification and Housing Justice · International Journal of Urban and Regional Research · 2019 · 218 citations

Most recent work

• Transit-induced gentrification in the context of urban regeneration: Evidence from East London and implications for inclusive transit-oriented development · Cities · 2026
• Intersecting injustices in the tourist city: redistribution, recognition, and resistance in Málaga · Tourism Geographies · 2026
• Building Belonging: Place‐Making Practices of Ghanaian Returnees in Accra's Creative Industries · Population Space and Place · 2026
• Assessing the effectiveness of governance innovations: A comparative study of ten European cities · Bulletin of Geography Socio-economic series · 2026
• “Go to Another State”: Rust Belts, Microchip Futures, and Innovation's Others in Upstate New York · Science Technology & Human Values · 2026
• “It Will Get Crowded, It Will Get Dull!”: Preventive Sensations of Density in Zurich's Future‐Making · City & Society · 2026
• Municipalising housing policy: place-based alternatives to neoliberalism in Chile · Cambridge Journal of Regions Economy and Society · 2026
• Remunicipalisation and the prospects for more equitable place-based development · Cambridge Journal of Regions Economy and Society · 2026
• Playing the public realm: children’s lived experiences of a neighbourhood play network in a high-density urban community · Cities & Health · 2026
• Vernacular governance of public transport: contesting formalisation from below · Applied Mobilities · 2026

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